Ülo Ennuste Economics

papers and articles in wordpress

ECHR* – Contemporary Fuzzy Logic Stalinist** Trolling*** Champion?

Draft 25.X 15 (do not quote)

Indeed e.g.:

http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng-press?i=003-5204869-6446796#{“itemid”:[“003-5204869-6446796”]} :

„The crime of genocide was introduced into Lithuanian law in 1992 and was subsequently provided

for under Article 99 of the new Criminal Code. The new Criminal Code entered into force in 2003, a

year before Mr Vasiliauskas was convicted. It was therefore clear that Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction

had been based upon legal provisions that had not been in force in 1953, and that such provisions

had therefore been applied retroactively. Consequently, there would be a violation of Article 7 of the

European Convention unless it could be established that Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction had been based

upon international law as it stood in 1953. In the Court’s view, Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction therefore

had to be examined from that perspective.

As concerned whether the offence of genocide had been clearly defined in the international law, the

Court found that instruments of international law prohibiting genocide had been sufficiently

4

accessible to Mr Vasiliauskas. Genocide had been clearly recognised as a crime under international

law in 1953. It was codified in the Genocide Convention, which was approved unanimously by the

United Nations General Assembly in 1948 and signed by the Soviet Union in 1949. Even before then,

genocide had been acknowledged and condemned by the United Nations in 1946.

However, the Court took the view that Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction for genocide could not have been

foreseen under international law as it stood at the time of the killings of the partisans. When

examining this foreseeability aspect of the case, the Court bore in mind that the stringent

requirements – namely, proof of specific intent that a protected group was targeted for destruction

in its entirety or in substantial part – for imposing a conviction of genocide guarded against the

danger of such a conviction being imposed lightly.

First, in 1953 international treaty law had not included a “political group” in the definition of

genocide. Notably, Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention lists four protected groups of persons

– national, ethnical, racial or religious – and does not refer to political groups.

Second, opinions appear to be divided with regard to the scope of genocide under customary

international law. It could not therefore be established with sufficient clarity that customary

international law had provided for a broader definition of genocide than that set out in Article II of

the 1948 Genocide Convention. Notwithstanding certain views favouring the inclusion of political

groups in the definition of genocide, the scope of the codified definition of genocide remained

narrower in the 1948 Convention and has been retained in all subsequent international law

instruments.

Third, as concerned the argument that the Lithuanian partisans had been “part” of a national group,

that is a group protected by the Genocide Convention, the Court considered that Mr Vasiliauskas

could not have foreseen in 1953 the subsequent judicial interpretations of the term “in part” as used

in Article II of the Genocide Convention. In particular, he could not have foreseen the judicial

guidance which emerged concerning cases on genocide brought before the international courts,

such as cases brought before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the

International Court of Justice. In those cases it was found that the intentional destruction of a

“distinct” part of a protected group could be interpreted as genocide of the entire protected group,

provided that the “distinct part” was substantial.

Nor was the Court convinced that the Lithuanian courts’ interpretation of the crime of genocide in

Mr Vasiliauskas’ case had been in accordance with the understanding of the concept of genocide as

it stood in 1953.

There was no firm finding in the establishment of the facts on Mr Vasiliauskas’ case by the domestic

criminal courts to enable the Court to assess on which basis it had been concluded that in 1953 the

Lithuanian partisans constituted a significant part of the national group, in other words, a group

protected under Article II of the Genocide Convention. Even though the Court of Appeal had

rephrased Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction to attribute Lithuanian partisans to “representatives of the

Lithuanian nation, that is, the national group” rather than to a political group, it had not explained

what the notion “representatives” entailed. Nor did it provide much historical or factual account as

to how the Lithuanian partisans had represented the Lithuanian nation. The partisans’ specific

mantle with regard to the “national” group was not apparently interpreted by the Supreme Court

either. The Court was not therefore convinced that Mr Vasiliauskas, even with the assistance of a

lawyer, could have foreseen in 1953 that the killing of the Lithuanian partisans could have

constituted the offence of genocide of Lithuanian nationals or of ethnic Lithuanians.

The Court accepted that Mr Vasiliauskas’ actions had been aimed at the extermination of the

partisans as a separate and clearly identifiable group, characterised by their armed resistance to

Soviet power. It was not immediately obvious that the ordinary meaning of the terms “national” or

“ethnic” in the Genocide Convention could be extended to partisans. Thus, the domestic courts’

5

conclusion that the victims came within the definition of genocide as part of a protected group was

an interpretation by analogy, to Mr Vasiliauskas’ detriment, which also rendered his conviction

unforeseeable.

Indeed, the definition of the crime of genocide in Lithuanian law had not only had no basis in the

wording of that offence as expressed in the 1948 Genocide Convention, but had also been gradually

enlarged during the years of Lithuania’s independence, thus further aggravating his situation.

Given the Lithuanian courts’ arguments in Mr Vasiliauskas’ case, the Court was not persuaded that

his conviction of genocide had been consistent with the essence of that offence as defined in

international law in 1953 or that it could reasonably have been foreseen by him at the time of his

participation in the operation during which the two partisans had been killed. Mr Vasiliauskas’

conviction had not therefore been justified under Article 7 § 1 of the Convention. Given that finding,

the Court did not consider that Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction could be justified either under

Article 7 § 2.

There had therefore been a violation of Article 7 of the Convention.

Article 41 (just satisfaction)

The Court held that the finding of a violation of Article 7 constituted in itself sufficient just

satisfaction for any non-pecuniary damage sustained by Mr Vasiliauskas. It further held that

Lithuania was to pay Mr Vasiliauskas 10,072 euros (EUR) in respect of pecuniary damages and

EUR 2,450 for costs and expenses.“

Criticisms: Gross elements classical logic violation and fuzzy logic political manipulations

A): a) in 1953 factually Lithuania was under Stalinist/Russian terrorist barbarity occupation according to Western Legislation (classical logic)**** and b) in Stalinist barrister terms „Lithuanian partisans“ at that time have factually been in the civilised terms „Lithuania’s Freedom Fighters“ as accordingly to Professor Herbert Lindmäe’s  internationally recognized studies in Estonian case honorable – “The nationalist resistance fighters” (see e.g.:*****)

B):  a) „Indeed, the definition of the crime of genocide in Lithuanian law had not only had no basis in the wording of that offence as expressed in the 1948 Genocide Convention, but had also been gradually

enlarged during the years of Lithuania’s independence, thus further aggravating his situation.

Given the Lithuanian courts’ arguments in Mr Vasiliauskas’ case, the Court was not persuaded that

his conviction of genocide had been consistent with the essence of that offence as defined in

international law in 1953 or that it could reasonably have been foreseen by him at the time of his

participation in the operation during which the two partisans had been killed. Mr Vasiliauskas’

conviction had not therefore been justified under Article 7 § 1 of the Convention. Given that finding,

the Court did not consider that Mr Vasiliauskas’ conviction could be justified either under

Article 7 § 2.

There had therefore been a violation of Article 7 of the Convention.

Article 41 (just satisfaction)

The Court held that the finding of a violation of Article 7 constituted in itself sufficient just

satisfaction for any non-pecuniary damage sustained by Mr Vasiliauskas. It further held that

Lithuania was to pay Mr Vasiliauskas 10,072 euros (EUR) in respect of pecuniary damages and

EUR 2,450 for costs and expenses.“ – according to the scientific logic (K. Popper) all the Court findings are easily positively falsifiable – as trolling  manipulations and so erroneous and internationally dangerously misleading – and – should be internationally disproved -indeed – just National Freedom Fighters brothers on  their domestic country have been by Court classified with sloppy subjective dialectic logic as representatives of political group against Stalinist Occupation and so not under the protection of everlasting genocide codes

b)“Separate opinions

Judges Villiger, Power-Forde, Pinto de Albuquerque and Kūris expressed a joint dissenting opinion.

Judges Sajó, Vučinić and Turković also expressed a joint dissenting opinion. Judges Ziemele, Power-

Forde and Kūris each expressed a dissenting opinion. These opinions are annexed to the judgment.

The judgment is available in English and French.

This press release is a document produced by the Registry. It does not bind the Court. Decisions,

judgments and further information about the Court can be found on http://www.echr.coe.int. To receive

the Court’s press releases, please subscribe here: http://www.echr.coe.int/RSS/en or follow us on Twitter

@ECHRpress.

Press contacts

echrpress@echr.coe.int | tel.: +33 3 90 21 42 08“ – Olmost probably „Separate Opinions“ are 0.K.

****

*) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Court_of_Human_Rights

**) http://www.communistcrimes.org

and

https://uloennuste.wordpress.com/2011/08/04/letter-to-thejce/

***) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internet_troll

****) http://www.communistcrimes.org/en/Database/Lithuania/Bibliography-and-Further-Reading

*****) https://uloennuste.wordpress.com/2015/05/11/copy-of-the-papers-of-the-history-confrence-of-the-estonian-memento-association-on-june-16-2007/ :

Partisan[24] Warfare in Tartu in 1941Herbert Lindmäe

LLD, Prof. emer. Tartu University

It was the summer of 1941, and the Russians were engaged in the War, in their Great Patriotic War.

The Red Army’s rear, in Estonia, was as unsettled as a batch of brewing beer. In several townships in the county of Tartumaa, the Brethren of the Forest2
began to actively break the terror-based grip that the foreign occupier had
established over the nation. The nationalist resistance fighters were taking over local administrative and community centres, as well as Red Army checkpoints. On July 2, they took over the Ahja Administrative Centre; on July 3, the Alatskivi Administrative Centre and the town of Kallaste; as well as the administrative centres of Kuremaa, Laiuse, Pala, Puhja, and Rannu. On July 4, the Brethren of the Forest took over the administrative centres of Jõgeva, Meeksi, Voore, and Võnnu, as well as held a pitched battle for Torma Township. The Brethren of the Forest attacked Red Army checkpoints in the village of Võsivere in Puhja
Township, in the village of Lullikatku in Torma Township, and in the village of Rohkuse in Voore Township, as well as in the townships of Meeksi and Sadala. The foreign power was toppled in the name of the Republic of Estonia. Estonia’s blue, black, and white flag was raised as a symbol of freedom, and the Estonian national anthem was sung. Farmhouses, as well as buildings in the towns and villages, were decorated with the national colours. In some locations, local
administrations began to function almost immediately. All this confirmed that the people were fighting for an independent Estonia.

Unfortunately, these liberated administrative centres soon had to be abandoned due to the onslaught of superior Soviet forces, and the Brethren of the Forest had to retreat into the nearby woods. In the countryside, the first battles were fought against the Destruction Battalions3, the Militia4, and the Red Army.

Some claim that the Estonian Summer War of 1941 was actually a civil war, a case of brutal and bloody fratricide. But it must be realized, that in the case of Soviet occupied Estonia, we are not dealing with what could be defined as a civil war – such a conflict can take place only in a country that is not occupied by a foreign power. There were those who remained true to the Republic of
Estonia, and carried on the fight for freedom against the occupiers. But there were also those who fought, on the side of the vanquishers, against the
Estonian people, helping, as the foreign power’s collaborators, to implement the Red Terror.

At that time, it was believed that the arrival of the Germans would mean the restoration of the Republic of Estonia. And there were even grounds for this belief: after all, in 1939, Estonia and Germany had concluded a non-aggression pact, that had been ratified by the Estonian president on 22 June 1939. The treaty stipulated that Estonia and Germany would not, under any conditions, go to war, or utilize any form of violence, against each other. And if a third nation were to launch such actions against one of the treaty’s two parties, then the treaty’s other party would not, in any way, support these actions. On the
German side, this promise had been ratified by the state chancellor, as well as by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. Since a third nation, the USSR, had acted violently, had performed an act of aggression, and had occupied the Republic of Estonia with its armed might, then Germany, in accordance with the treaty, could not recognize this as legitimate behaviour. But no one realized that only a couple of months after the signing of this treaty, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact had been concluded, with which Germany discarded the treaty it had signed with the Republic of Estonia, and, with a secret protocol of the Pact, gave the USSR free rein to occupy Estonia.

In the city of Tartu, the resistance movement was also intensifying. Thus,
already in March of 1941, the Estonian Health Care Museum (Eesti Tervishoiu Muuseum – ETM) Resistance Group was formed – EÜS5 members such as law student Karl Aun, Turvo Turviste, Harald Tammur, Rudolf Saago, ETM
director and infantry ensign Dr. Aleksander Koskel, Lembit Kriisa, infantry ensignAugust Ilves, Heiki Leesment (a member of Vironia6), as well as others. They would get together in the ETM (32 Kindral Põdra St.). Thus, their name, the ETM Group. Since quite a few people visited the Museum, the meetings being held there did not attract any attention. Diagonally across the street was the local NKVD7Building. The masters of this house of horrors had no idea that their enemy was operating right at their doorstep. During the Summer War of 1941, the ETM Group was the biggest, and most active, of the various
Estonian anti-Soviet resistance groups. It became the first central coordinating body of the Tartu resistance movement, including the partisan warfare being conducted against the Soviets.

During the first days of the war between Germany and the USSR, plans were hatched for liberating Tartu. It was hoped that the Estonian military units stationed in Tartu would play a leading role. But, at the end of June, these units were forcibly sent off to Russia. This shattered the preliminary plans. Weapons were obtained, but there were pathetically few of them – a few handguns and rifles. Ammunition was in very short supply.

By July 1, about 150 men were participating in the Tartu resistance movement. On July 4, the members of the EMT Group gathered in the rooms of the Tartu University (TU) faculty of medicine. They discussed how to prevent the Reds from carrying out any destruction of property before leaving the city, and how to take over authority from the occupiers before the arrival of the Germans. It was found that, first of all, the City Hall, the Militia Headquarters, the NKVD Headquarters, the Red Army Headquarters, the Ropka Armoury, as well as the telephone and telegraph network, the railroad station, and the power station should be captured. They believed that they had enough men and weapons to do all this. They also made a Tartu Partisans’ seal. To do this, they used the seal of the TU faculty of medicine, from which the peripheral text was removed, so that the Coat of Arms of the Republic of Estonia in the centre remained.

During the first days of July, infantry ensign Olev Reintalu (EÜS) came to Tartu. On the day that the uprising began, he became the overall leader of the Partisans and the city’s first commandant. He held consultations with Karl Aun and HaraldTammur.

The Soviets started forcing the local civilian population to participate in the construction of field fortifications on the outskirts of the city.

On July 8, the authorities carried out a citywide dragnet. Inebriated Latvian
Militiamen started looting shops. People started leaving the fortification sites and sneaking back into town. In the afternoon, the Bolsheviks put the automatic switchboard in the Tartu Telephone Network building (29 Lai St.) on fire. Risking their lives, postal workers succeeded in extinguishing the flames. On the same day, the ETM Resistance Group held a meeting in the Health Care Museum, in which infantry ensign Olev Reintalu also participated.

On Wednesday, July 9, at 6:37 AM, the Stone Bridge (Kivisild), that crossed the Emajõgi River, was blown up. This indicated to the resistance movement that the time was ripe for action. The newspaper Tartu Kommunist (Tartu Communist) no longer appeared that day.

At 12 noon, the phones went dead; at about 2 PM, the waterworks stopped functioning; and the power was shut off.

Between 12 noon and 1 PM, the Bolsheviks blew up the former 2nd Division’s artillery unit’s weapons and ammunition stores in Ropka Estate. The primary detonation was followed by a series of ammunition explosions. At midday, 12:30 PM, the railroad bridge at Riia St., was blown up. The Bolsheviks abandoned the Southern part of Tartu. They also moved out of the NKVD Headquarters. Only in the Kaitseliit8 Building there were still some Destruction Battalion personnel, and Militia leader Arved Kalvo’s Militiamen were still in possession of the Militia Headquarters. And they also withdrew to the Ülejõe (Across the River) Quarter when the air raid sirens started wailing. But in the evening, some Militia and Destruction Battalion patrols, as well as some Red Army patrol vehicles, returned from there. Traffic had died down on the streets, and the shops were closed. The guards at the Prison had disappeared.

The first shot in the Tartu Partisan War was fired on Wednesday, July 9, at 3 PM, in the centre of the city, on the corner of Rüütli and Suurturu St. Lieutenant Arond Randes and H. Tammin shot a Militiaman in the head, who had just arrived in town from the city of Võru on a motorcycle, and was changing a tire. The Partisans took the Militiaman’s 9mm sub-machinegun, and disappeared around the corner, towards Toomemäe Park. H. Tammin’s combat group of about 30 men was lying in wait right in the centre of town – behind City Hall, in the Café Central (34 Ülikooli St.). The café was closed to the public and appropriately barricaded. The County Administrative Building (10 Võidu St.) was the redoubt of A. Randes’s Partisans, most of whom were his workers from the Industrial Combine.

On Kesk St., two Partisan groups had been formed. One of them, consisting mostly of secondary school students, had gathered in their schoolmate Otniel Jürisaar’sapartment. The other one, consisting of about 30 Partisans, was composed of Sergeant Major Aleksander Rannik’s men from the Estonian Army’s legendary Kuperjanov’s Partisan Battalion; some men, women, and youths from the Karlova Quarter; as well as various other individuals. The Ropka arms and ammunition stores were in the immediate vicinity of the
Estonian Meat Export’s Tartu Export Abattoir (43 Teguri St.) at the Ropka
Estate, as a result of which, the blowing up of the military stores had peppered the area around the slaughterhouse with shrapnel. Workers from the slaughterhouse were able to retrieve some rifles and ammunition from the Estate and to secrete them in the Abattoir. At first, the men acted on their own – they just didn’t have a leader. But on July 9, at about noon, a 25-30 man armed combat group was formed in the Tartu Export Abattoir under the command of Sergeant Major Eduard Lukas. 2-3 man sentry posts were set up for the protection of the slaughterhouse.

At about 5 PM, the Jänes Railroad Bridge was blown up. That night, a meeting was held in the ETM. It was decided that the activities of the individual combat groups should be coordinated, and that their general leadership should be concentrated within the ETM Group. The Tartu Partisans’ coordinated activities would begin with the blowing up of the Freedom Bridge (Vabadussild), which would prevent the Bolsheviks from returning back to Tartu’s Southern Quarter. A three member Leadership Committee was formed – with the Partisans being placed under the general command of Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu. His assistants were to be Dr.Aleksander Koskel and Karl Aun. Identification badges, in the form of blue, black, and white armbands, were made for the Partisans. The password was to be the phrase “kolm värvi” (three colours).

At 6 PM, the city’s fire chief, Tõnis Tenno, was ordered to send all his fire trucks and fire fighting equipment across the river to Raadi Park. But these
instructions were not followed. The fire fighting equipment was, instead, held in reserve, and as need arose, was dispatched to the Ropka Woods, Karlova Park, and the Tamme District. That evening, at Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu’s suggestion, firemen patrolled the city.

During the night, contact was established between the Coordinating Centre and the other combat groups. By that time, 10 Partisan groups, a total of about 300 men, were operating in Tartu on a coordinated basis.

Some of the Partisans’ Coordinating Centre’s personnel remained in the
Museum for the whole night. The re-assembly time was set for July 10 at 7:30 AM.

During the night, patrolling firemen, wearing the national colours, could be seen on Riia, Kalevi, and Pargi St.

On Thursday, July 10, at about 1 AM, a skirmish broke out between Red Army soldiers and unidentified Partisans at Ropka Park. Two trucks full of Red Army personnel had driven through the area, and Partisans had opened fire upon them.

It was an intensely sunny morning. The shops were all closed. Very few people could be seen on the streets. At about 9 AM, the Militia dispersed, at the corner of Riia and Kalevi St., a crowd that had gathered at the Girls’ Secondary School to demand that radios, which the authorities had confiscated at an earlier date, be returned.

It was known, that in the morning, a retreating Red Army unit of about 300 men had been in the vicinity of the Maarjamõisa Clinics. In the afternoon, it withdrew across Kärevere Bridge.

At about 9 AM, Red Army soldiers, Militiamen, and Destruction Battalion personnel came across Freedom Bridge into Tartu’s Southern Quarter. Shooting could be heard from the direction of Botaanika St. Two-man Militia patrols were on the streets with rifles at the ready. In the centre of town, pedestrians’ documents were being checked. A new Red Army unit was coming into the city along Riia Highway. Trucks full of Bolsheviks pulled up in front of the Kaitseliit and NKVD buildings. A Destruction Battalion fighter, who had been detained by the Partisans, was found in the basement of the NKVD Headquarters. It became apparent that he had been interrogated in the ETM. At 12 noon, the Museum was searched. But the raid was fruitless, since the Partisans had managed to evacuate the building earlier.

Around midday, at about 1 PM, a small group of Partisans – Lieutenant Arond Randes; TU medical student Harald Tuul; and TU law student, Infantry EnsignEvald Treude, went out on patrol in a sedan. They had tied a piece of white cloth around the car’s bumper. At Barclay Square, they confronted a group of Militiamen, who fired upon the Partisans. Randes and Tuul were wounded.

At about 2 PM, a battle broke out in the vicinity of Soinaste St. Infantry EnsignKaljuvee’s Soinaste combat group ran into a Red patrol at Pauluse Cemetery. The Red Army soldiers fled, abandoning their truck, with its bullet-riddled radiator, to the Partisans. At about 3 PM, shooting could be heard from the Kesk St. area. Then, at Pauluse Cemetery, on Võru Highway, Corporal E. Tauts’s eight-man squad exchanged gunfire with a truck full of Red Army soldiers they confronted. The Reds dispersed, abandoning their truck.

Shooting in the city, on this side of the Emajõgi River, was becoming more widespread. A Red Army company, with weapons at the ready, rushed towards the city along Kuperjanovi St.

About 30 armed men had gathered in the yard of the warehouse of the branch office of the firm J. Puhk ja Pojad9. They were led by the warehouse manager, Sergeant Major Karl Ratnik. At about 5 PM, Partisans took over the Kaitseliit Building. The blue, black, and white flag was raised on the flagstaff of the
rooftop tower.

The crackling of gunfire brought out men from the Karlova Quarter, just as from the Võru and Kesk St. area, as well as from elsewhere. A crowd gathered on Riia Hill. Buildings sheltered this from the view of the Reds located across the river. Several hundred came, most of them young – university students and schoolboys. As the national flag was raised, the people that had gathered on Riia Hill bared their heads, and these men sang the National Anthem with
unprecedented gusto. This was practically shouted, the men’s eyes swelling with tears. The Fatherland was overwhelming their senses and hearts. There was no wind that day, so the singing could be heard all over the city. No more Reds could be seen, although, just a little earlier, some of them had been spotted, here and there, moving about on the streets. The tricolour was also hoisted atop the City Hall Tower. The raising of the flag was accompanied by hurrahs from below. Then the singing of the National Anthem could be heard from the Tähtvere Quarter, and then from the Karlova area. On Salme St., the National Anthem was being played on a trumpet. From the Pauluse Cemetery area, it was possible to hear the National Anthem being played on some kind of horn.

At about the same time, at approximately 4:30 PM, a German mechanized
reconnaissance patrol arrived in Tartu from the City of Võru. Simultaneously, two Militia platoons had been deployed from the Militia precinct house on Kompanii St. They had been ordered to move, along different routes, to the military stores that had been blown up, the previous day, in Ropka. Reports had reached the Militia that undamaged weapons, along with ammunition, were
being carried off by potential Partisans. The first Militia platoon moved along Võru St. As it passed the corner of Tehase St., the Militiamen noticed the
armoured vehicle driving along Võru St., past Pauluse Cemetary, towards the city. At first, it was presumed that this was a Red Army combat vehicle. A red flag, wrapped around a flagstaff, appeared out of the top hatch of the armoured car. But when the flag was unfurled, a black swastika on a white circle became evident. The Militiamen fled along Teguri St. towards the river. The Germans followed them, shooting at them at close range. After that, the armoured vehicle turned around and stopped at the corner of Võru and Teguri St. A German officer leaned out of the armoured car’s hatch and shouted in Estonian: “Hey, you Estonian guys! What’re you scared of? Step closer, and let’s start fighting
together against the common enemy!” Some of the Militiamen approached the armoured car. The German soldier who had called out to the Militiamen was the baron of Võrumaa County’s Rogosi Estate, Kurt von Glasenap, who had heeded Hitler’s call and had left Estonia for Germany. Some of the Militiamen fled to the Töölismaja(Workers’ House) where there were still some Destruction Battalion personnel. From there, some of them fled across the Freedom Bridge. The others fled through yards and gardens towards the Emajõe River. Here and there, they were fired upon by Partisans. Of the first Militia platoon, 13 Militiamen did not return. A third Militia platoon, when returning from the railroad station, was fired upon, in the centre of town, by Partisans concealed in surrounding shops, the Communal Bank, and various other buildings. The Militiamen fled to Lai St., and from there, across the barricaded Freedom Bridge.

At the same time, a firefight also broke out between Partisans and fleeing
Militiamen at the Ropka end of Kesk St., at Piiskop Square. Two German
armoured reconnaissance vehicles became involved in the shootout. Five
Militiamen were captured. By way of Sõbra St., the German armoured cars turned onto Võru St., herding, ahead of them, the captured Militiamen at a run. The Militiamen were beltless, as well as bareheaded. On Võru St., the Germans were met by Partisans, Sergeant Aleksander Rannik and Staff Sergenat Artur-Johannes Piir. At about 5 PM, the first Germans appeared in front of the
Kaitseliit Building, in former Postijaama Sq., at the corner of Lille St. – four dusty soldiers on two motorcycles. At the same time, right beside the Kaitseliit Building, by the Economic Cooperative Store, stood two sleek armoured cars. The German soldiers were, literally, being smothered in flowers.

At about this moment, shots could be heard from the Emajõe River end of Lille and Riia St. Men rushed off to investigate. After a brief shootout with Master SergeantAleksander Rannik’s men, the Bolsheviks withdrew.

Kurt von Glasenap brought a German swastika flag from his armoured car, which, although it was somewhat smaller than the Estonian flag already flying on the rooftop tower, was also hoisted.

The German forces’, that were advancing from Northern Latvia towards Pskov, flank reconnaissance unit, which had been deployed to the City of Võru, but had also veered, at its own initiative, off towards Tartu, was commanded by a lieutenant whose name is not known. SS-Sonderführer Kurt von Glasenap has, mistakenly, been regarded as the reconnaissance unit’s commander, but, actually, he was along on this trek just as an interpreter. At any rate, the fact is, that when the Germans, on the evening of July 10, reached Võru St., and from there, Riia Hill, the Partisan Battles in Tartu had already started.

Now, shooting could be heard from the Ropka Quarter, then from the direction of the Tartu Export Abattoir. And that is where the German armoured cars headed. At about 5 PM, Infantry Ensign Jaan Sepa formed, from the approximately 100 men that had gathered at Ropka, a three-platoon company. Many of the men had no weapons. So these men were deployed as a widely spaced series of sentry posts along Võru St.

A large group of men, with white armbands on their sleeves, had gathered on Võru St., on the stretch between the Abattoir’s main gate and Kastani St. Master SergeantAleksander Rannik lined the 42 men up in a column, four abreast, and double marched them towards Riia Hill. The column started to sing
Eestimaa mu isamaa10. But after the first verse, the singing stopped – the men were being gagged by their own overwhelming emotions. At the head of the column was the blue, black, and white flag, which had been handed to the
Partisans at the corner of Vaba St. People were gathering at the windows and doorways. The men were being bombarded with flowers.

Houses were being draped, one after the other, in the national colours. The men congregating at Riia Hill were given blue, black, and white armbands cut from a roll of wide ribbon in the EÜS colours.

At 6:45 PM, Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu assumed command of the Partisans in the yard of the branch office of J. Puhk ja Pojad. His command post was set up in a small room facing the courtyard in the two-storey building in the yard of the branch office of J. Puhk ja Pojad on Riia St., opposite the Kaitseliit Building. By nightfall, there were two captured trucks in the office yard. Ammunition was also being brought there. Word about the Partisans’ Coordinating Centre on Riia Hill also reached this group of Partisans, so that they established contact with the larger Partisans’ Headquarters. Thus, the general leadership of the individually operating Partisan groups was handed over to the recently created Headquarters.

There was constant shooting in the city.

According to the Partisans’ commander, Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu, the situation became especially precarious during the last hours of that day. The Destruction Battalion and Militia personnel remaining in the Southern District, the so-called “poppers” (“plõksutajad” – those who pop their guns, Translator), were sniping from well-concealed hiding places. Both, Partisans with white armbands, as well as anyone else who dared to venture out onto the street, were being shot at. Here and there, Partisans were conducting raids. But the results were meagre – the “poppers” were able to blend in with the searchers.

Armed reinforcements from the countryside were eagerly being waited for. At about 11 o’clock at night, Vorbus’s men arrived in the city by truck. They were immediately sent to the Emajõgi River. After that, trucks started arriving from many different directions: first there were the men from Tähtvere Township, then the Otepää-Palupere-Nõo Brethren of the Forest under Captain Karl
Talpak’s
leadership, then the Partisans from Valga with Warrant Officer Heinrich Holmig at their head. They took over the stretch of the Emajõe bank in the Oa and Herne St. area.

On Friday, July 11, at midnight, the men of Elva, Nõo, Konguta, Ropka, Rõngu, Rannu, and Puhja left the City of Elva, on four trucks, for Tartu. At the instructions of Captain Karl Nortmaa, all of the area’s Partisan units had congregated in Elva. On the way, in Ropka, Major Friedrich Kurg also joined them. Just before arriving in Tartu, over a couple of hundred Partisans lined up on the highway, by the burnt down Nõo Township Administrative Centre. They were being led by Major F. Kurg, CaptainKarl Nortmaa, Captain Julius Edor,
Captain Riho Piirsalu, Captain Vello Rikand, Lieutenant Rudolf Mikumägi, Lieutenant Jaan Vinni, and Lieutenant Rätsep. At about 1 AM, they started to move.

In Tartu, they left their vehicles on Kesk-Kaare St. The armed Partisans were divided up into three platoons. These were commanded by Captain Vello
Rikand,
Captain Riho Piirsalu, and Lieutenant Rudolf Mikumägi. They
advanced along Riia St., in battle formation, as far as the Kaitseliit Building.

In the dead of night, at about 3 AM (according to other sources, not until midday on July 11) Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu handed over command of the Partisan units and the City of Tartu to Major Fr. Kurg. Infantry Ensign O. Reintalu became MajorKurg’s adjutant.

All day Friday, July 11, there were serious clashes with the Bolsheviks on the Emajõe River front. This was indicated by the constant noise of rifle and
machine gun fire. All the repeated attempts by the Reds to force their way across the river in the Tähtvere and Ropka Quarters, and to establish a bridgehead there, were thwarted.

At 1:30 PM, it was reported that the enemy had come across the river in the Tähtvere area. Captain Karl Talpak was given the assignment of beating back the Reds. The partisans were greeted with rifle fire at the entrance of Tähtvere Park, right by the Catholic Church. But, the enemy could not withstand the
assault, and retreated. The Partisans advanced as far as the brewery, and
assumed defensive positions on the slope of the hill. Captain K. Talpak’s command post was set up in Tähtvere Estate, in the former Steward’s Residence.

In the course of the day, under the command of Captain Vello Rikandi and others, raids were carried out in the centre of the city so as to capture “poppers” and enemy arsonists.

On Riia Hill, in Partisan Headquarters, Infantry Ensign Olev Reintalu handed his position over to Major Fr. Kurg.

In the evening, at about 7 PM, preceding actual combat units, the German field commandant’s mobile headquarters, having set itself up in Nõo Hamlet, sent its scouting party, 20 military policemen under Major Scheichenbauer, into Tartu. Captain Karl Talpak’s Partisans were at Tähtvere. The nature of the topography along the riverbank, in this area, could have provided the opportunity for crossing the river unobserved, and taking the city from behind. Therefore, the edge of the city could not be left open. Captain Karl Talpak promised that: “The men are in their positions, and, through here, not a single Red will get into the city.”

The stretch of Vabaduspuiestee Blvd. in the heart of the city, along the bank of the Emajõgi River, was being protected by Infantry Ensign Vagi Pärsimägi and his men. In the Lao St. and river harbour area, positions had been taken up by, among others, local factory workers. Export Abattoir combat detachments were in defensive positions in Ropka, beside the Emajõgi River, by the railroad
embankment. At about 6 in the evening, assistance was needed in Ropka. All available men, making up a platoon of Partisans, were deployed there to repel the Bolsheviks.

A German armoured car drove around in the downtown area – by way of Võidu St. to Politseiplats Sq., and on to the Freedom Bridge. The armoured car fired at the Emajõgi River’s opposite bank with a light machine gun. That night, at about 9 or 10, the German reconnaissance group returned to the City of Võru.

By twilight, the Emajõgi River’s southern bank, from Tähtvere Estate to Ropka Estate, was guarded by Partisans. But, at first, the defences were quite weak – along the Emajõe River line there were, probably, only about a couple of hundred men. Despite this, one thing was definite – it was no longer possible for the Bolsheviks to cross the river unopposed.

By Friday evening, there was a sense of security in Tartu. The area south of the Emajõgi River, from Lake Võrtsjärv to Lake Peipsi, was controlled by Partisan units. In the city, the Police and Fire Departments, the hospitals and the ambulance service were functioning. The residents of Tartu could be given first aid in Red Cross stations, the people were being fed, and those who had fallen victim to the ravages of war were being buried.

The day was turning into night. Just before sunset, the Reds’ numerous artillery batteries opened fire upon the defenceless Southern District of Tartu with a barrage of incendiary and fragmentation shells. All of Tartu, on this side of the river, was at the mercy of this artillery fire.

On the third day of these Partisan battles, on Saturday, July 12, Tartu was a burning inferno. The artillery fire did not wane. By the Emajõgi River, the noise of rifle and machine gun fire was incessant. About 20 men, under the leadership of Captain Mart Laidro, arrived in Tartu from Kanepi Township. From the Town of Elva, the men of the Elva Power Grid, with Infantry Ensign Hudo Rästig at their head, came by truck to help Tartu.

In the morning, the field commandant, Oberstleitnant Hans Gosebruch, arrived from Nõo. Both Major Scheichenbauer, as well as Gosebruch, visited the
Partisans’ Headquarters and the Tähtvere firing line. The German field commandant’s office was set up in the Grand Hotell (10 Vallikraavi St.).

At midday, the city was, literally, peppered with incendiary and fragmentation shells. The Kaitseliit Building started burning, and houses on Aia, Päeva, Pargi, and Tähe St. were on fire.

The fire devastated Tiigi St. In the evening, an incendiary shell struck Maarja Church. The 56.3 metre steeple of this cultural landmark burned like a candle. The tide of flames engulfed Kindral Põdra, Tiigi, J. Kuperjanovi, Veski, and
Kastani St. The fire was also raging around the university. On this day, several hundred buildings were burning in Tartu at the same time. There were no
resources for combating such an inferno. The glow of the fire could be seen dozens of kilometres away, even in the Town of Otepää. The whole city was sweltering from the heat of the blaze. Tartu was blanketed with acrid smoke.

On the evening of July 12, all hell broke loose at Tähtvere. Artillery shells were raining down on the Partisans’ positions. Captain Karl Talpak shifted his positions forward a couple of hundred metres. Thus, it was possible to get out from under the artillery fire. New defensive positions were assumed on the northern edge of Tähtvere Estate, in the ditch of the highway dissecting it.

On the 12 and 13 of July, the Partisan detachments that had so far been fighting in Tartu, were amalgamated with the four combat companies to form the Tartu City Partisan Battalion. The 1st Company was commanded by Captain Vello Rikand, the 2nd by Infantry Ensign Viktor Lillak, the 3rd by Lieutenant Rätsep, and the 4th by Captain Karl Talpak. Lieutenant Theodor Liht was assigned to be the Battalion’s chief of staff. At the time of its formation, the Battalion consisted of about 700 men. The 1st Company was positioned at Tähtvere, with the Tähtvere defensive line stretching from the brewery to the Tähtvere-Kärevere Rd. The 2nd Company was sent to assist the township Partisans, and was
deployed west of Tartu, between Kärevere and Vorbus. The 3rd Company was fighting in the city, along the bank of the Emajõe River, and the 4th Company was providing security for the Viljandi Highway, Maarjamõisa Clinics, and Tamme Quarter area.

The Reds’ artillery was also pounding the area around the Partisans’ Headquarters. This forced the headquarters to move from Riia Hill to the Exhibition Grounds by Viljandi Highway. The Partisans slept in the Exhibition Ground
pavilions and even out in the open.

The Partisan force was a very diverse group. Many of them were Tartu workers. But there were also white-collar workers, scientists, medical doctors, etc. And, in the spirit of the Estonian War of Independence (1918-1920), university and high school students were also represented. It is known that 106 Treffner
Secondary School students bore arms in the Tartu Battles. They were all united by a common struggle and an overwhelming hatred for Communists, which had been caused by the June Mass Deportations11. Their struggle was inspired by anger and hatred.

The Partisans generally wore civilian clothes, but there were also men in
Estonian military, Kaitseliit, and Fire Department uniforms. Later, blue coveralls became the uniform of many Partisans. Cartridges were carried loosely in pant or breast pockets, in canvas ammunition bags captured as war booty, or, in the form of machine gun belts, over the shoulder. Very few had ammunition pouches attached to belts or appropriate military harnesses. Membership in the Partisan force was indicated with a white handkerchief or a white strip of cloth tied around the arm; later, with a white armband bearing the Tartu Partisans’ seal or stamp. An officer tended to be identified by a blue, black, and white
armband cut from an EÜS roll of ribbon.

Captain Ludvig Saar was appointed the commandant of the City of Tartu.

During the morning of July 12, the first German combat units, armed with
anti-tank guns, arrived in the Village of Veeriku. In the evening, the Germans reached the Emajõgi front line. The first combat unit to enter the city was a company mounted on field bicycles.

Just before night fell, the first two shells from a German artillery battery flew from Ilmatsalu, behind the Maarjamõisa Clinics, towards the Reds. The Bolsheviks’ observation point in the steeple of St. Peter’s Church, was destroyed by German artillery fire.

Upon the July 12 joint directive of the Tartu commandant, as well as the general commander of the Partisans, Major Fr. Kurg, the Tartu City and County administrations (under the leadership of medical doctor Robert Sinka and chemical engineer Hans Miller, respectively) started functioning on July 13. Since City Hall was under enemy fire, the city administration, at first, set itself up in the University Women’s Clinic in Toomemäe Park, and then in the Temperance Union Building, opposite the University Church (18 Gustav Adolf St.). The first major project was to begin evacuating women and children to the towns of Elva and Otepää.

The editor-in-chief of Postimees12, Jaan Kitsberg, started, upon the Headquarters’s directive, to re-publish the newspaper. The first issue appeared on July 13. Using a hand-operated single-revolution press, they managed to print 2,600 copies. ThePostimees was now a combat newspaper. It was being printed
under artillery fire, a few hundred metres from the front line. The city commandant’s first order-of-the-day was also printed in the Postimees printing press.

According to international law, we are dealing, specifically, with “partisans”. The Brethren of the Forest are directly connected with fighting in wooded areas. The Tartu Battles encompassed both city and country folk who had come out of
hiding in the forests, or who hadn’t even made it to the woods, and were participating openly in combat.

Thus, Major Friedrich Kurg, in his first decree, on July 14, refers to himself as the general commander of the Southern Estonian Partisans, and later, on July 16, in Decree Nr. 2, as the general commander of the Partisans of the Liberated Estonian Territories. According to international law, a “partisan” is a voluntary combatant fighting on territory in the possession of the enemy, who does not belong to a regular military force, but bears arms openly, and observes the laws and customs of war. The legal status of the Partisans, during the Summer War, is defined by the Acts of the Hague Convention (1907) dealing with combatants. Combatant (French) – a fighter, a member of a voluntary combat unit. In case of being captured by the enemy, a combatant, in other words, a partisan, has the right to be regarded as a prisoner of war.

The German military authorities appointed Major Fr. Kurg to be, from July 14 on, the general leader of the Partisan detachments of the liberated territories of Southern Estonia.

On Monday, July 14, Captain Karl Talpak was appointed to be the commander of the Tartu Partisan Battalion. He was, thereupon, also made head of the Fire Department. Lieutenant Ernst Paats replaced him as commander of the 1st Company.

Under the supervision of a commission of medical experts, on July 15-17, 192 (by some accounts 193) victims of the July 8-9 mass murder in Tartu Prison13 were exhumed or pulled out of the well. Much of this work was done by captured Communists. A ghastly scene unfolded in the Prison courtyard. Bodies, decomposing in the summer heat, many of them disfigured beyond recognition, lying in rows like black mummies. The whole area was enveloped in a sickening stench. Due to intensive Bolshevik artillery fire, the exhumations had to be halted several times. From time to time, members of the Omakaitse14 entered the courtyard, soon leaving it, with their eyes filled with tears of anger and pain, and with their minds and spirits devoted to revenge.

On July 18-19, Prof. Jüri Uluots, the prime minister, in the duties of the president, of the last constitutional government15 of the Republic of Estonia, visited the headquarters of Major Fr. Kurg, the general leader of the Partisans of the Liberated Estonian Territories. Major Fr. Kurg gave him an overview of the military situation. Prof. Jüri Uluots praised the Estonian Partisans for their readiness, as well as courage, to liberate and defend their homeland. In his opinion, it was necessary to take practical steps for restoring the Republic of Estonia.

Prof. J. Uluots found that the Partisan units should be consolidated into an
Estonian army, that a central staff should be established for the army, that a general military mobilisation should be carried out, that the security of local
administrations should be ensured, and that the Estonian government should be restored.

On July 19-20, a firestorm continued to devastate the centre of the city. Buildings were burning on Võidu and Kauba St. The whole sector between the streets of Turu, Uueturu, Aleksandri, and Riia were in flames. As was the
section between Uueturu, Kauba, and Aleksandri St. The centre of Tartu’s commercial activities, the Kaubahoov (Merchandise Mart), was destroyed. The
conflagration carried over from Võidu St. to the area between Jaani and Kitsa St. The section between Aia and Kitsa St. was on fire. Soviet arsonists were in
action.

The centre of the city had, by 21 July, burned down as far as the river. On the other side of the Emajõgi River there was a similar wilderness of charred ruins. The main steeple of St. Peter’s Church, as well as the tips of its four corner steeples, were as if naked – German shells had torn away the tin of the steeples’ roofs, so that just the rafters remained.

After the scorching days of battle, July 21 was, more-or-less, quiet. Only the occasional Russian artillery shell exploded in the city or the edge of town. In the evening, the artillery fire became more frequent and spread. At the corner of Riia and Kalevi St., the gymnasium wing of the Tartu Girls’ Secondary School caught on fire. About 600 radios, confiscated from the residents of Tartu in June, were either destroyed or ruined there.

The artillery barrage lasted until the morning of July 22, when things became quiet. On the evening of July 24, the Reds’ batteries again opened fire upon the Partisans’ positions. The artillery fire became nasty at midnight. It lasted until the dawn of July 25.

With the rising of the sun, on 25 July, word began to spread: the Bolsheviks had abandoned the front. In the early hours of the morning, the Partisans constructed, by the Market Building, an improvised bridge to cross the River. At Liiva St., a long log raft was put in place to serve as a bridge. The Partisans’ Headquarters had ordered the men to cross the river in the morning, and to flush the Reds out of the woods near the city. The city was quiet. Wisps of smoke were rising from the ruins.

Of the men who fell in the Tartu Battles on the Emajõgi River Front, the names of 41 Partisans are known, as are those of 20 who were wounded. In the course of the Summer War, 145 Tartu residents were killed by shrapnel, as well as
machine gun and rifle fire.

Appendix 1

Partisans who fell in the Tartu Battles, or died of wounds received there

1.   Artur Bökler (Pekler) 20.10.1910–11.07.1941
2.   Friedrich-Voldemar Engel 03.06.1904–21.07.1941
3.   Voldemar-Aleksander Erikson 15.07.1919–12.07.1941
4.   Johannes Ilus 14.09.1913–20.07.1941
5.   Esmo Indla 10.11.1915–12.07.1941
6.   Johannes Kams 24.02.1902–15.07.1941
7.   Vladimir Keskpaik 18.07.1941
8.   Väino Kirs 16.03.1920–13.07.1941
9.   Kalju Kokk 06.07.1923–14.07.1941
10.  Edgar Konsap 28.11.1913–13.07.1941
11.  Julius Kruus 09.02.1910–12.07.1941
12.  Hermann Kurss 26.02.1910–12.07.1941
13.  Hans Kuulmata 06.03.1903–31.07.1941
14.  Heino Kõrvel 17.09.1923–10.07.1941
15.  Kristjan Leesik 09.02.1901–05.08.1941
16.  Otto Leoke 05.10.1888–11.07.1941
17.  Herbert Lepik 27.03.1917–13.07.1941
18.  Augustin Lindma 12.07.1941
19.  Adolf-Johannes Link 21.11.1908–15.07.1941
20.  Ülo Linnus 25.02.1925–14.07.1941
21.  Kristjan Luik 03.10.1899–11.07.1941
22.  August Muttik 19.11.1894–13.07.1941
23.  Eduard Noorkõrv 12 Jan 1921–10.07.1941
24.  Endel Pehk 07.1941
25.  Rudolf-Johannes Poolakene 15.03.1902–15.07.1941
26.  Paul Priks 14.05.1903–13.07.1941
27.  Leonhard Põder 14.11.1906–15.07.1941
28.  Arnold-Eduard Põlluäär 14.09.1903–16.07.1941
29.  Albert Rammul 15.08.1914–12.07.1941
30.  Vello Saareli 06.12.1910–22.07.1941

Appendix 1

31.  Rudolf Sein 14.07.1899–12.07.1941
32.  Leopold Sinijärv 08.09.1918–10.07.1941
33.  Valdur Sinikalda 19.09.1908–10.07.1941
34.  Eduard-Voldemar Sukk 28.07.1917–….07.1941
35.  Aksel Sõber 06.10.1922–13.07.1941
36.  Endel Tiigimaa 07.01.1922–12.07.1941
37.  Rudolf-Eduard Tross 04.06.1911–10.07.1941
38. Aksel Tõns 09.06.1913–17.07.1941
39. Helmi Velling –23.07.1941
40. Enn Vihermäes 02.02.1879–11.07.1941
41. Richard Vitsmaa 19.07.1917–18.07.1941
All Crimes of Communist Regimes Deserve
to Be Punished
Marju ToomEngineer, Estonian Memento Association

I am of the opinion that all crimes against humanity that have been committed by all Communist regimes deserve to be punished.

The World has heard and learned about many of the crimes of these regimes through the Black Book1; studies that have been published to date; and what is being said today at this conference, as well as the ones in Vilnius and Riga.

I

I would like to tell you about a type of crime that society, and the World as a whole, has not yet, practically, become aware of. But this does not make these crimes non-existent.

I call upon you, and all the rest of the people of the World, to observe, every year, onAugust 12, Unborn Children’s Memorial Day, in the memory of those children who were not born, who were born with life-challenging handicaps, who were born with health disorders. And all of this due to the fact that their parents had radiation poisoning.

My presentation deals with the aspect of the crimes of the Soviet Union that is directly connected with the nuclear war that this Communist regime waged, for years, against its own people and all the inhabitants of the Northern Hemisphere.

Map of the U.S.S.R.

Brief Overview of the Soviet Union’s Nuclear War against the
Civilian Population of the Earth’s Northern Hemisphere:

Tests were, basically, carried out in designated test sites at Semipalatinsk andNovaya Zemlya. But also, within the framework of the “Mirny Atom” program2, practically all over the territory of the Soviet Union. For instance, near the city of Yakutsk, that created considerable radioactive fallout. Or in a mine under a mining town in the Donetsk region. There has also been talk about an above-ground A-bomb detonation that was carried out, in those days, in Czechoslo
vakia.

In the course of 37 years, that is, in the time span of 29 August 1949-31
December 1987 the Soviet Union detonated 618 nuclear devices. 126 of these were presented to the World as means of harnessing the “peaceful atom” in the interests of the national economy. Within the framework of this program, 18 detonations were carried out outside the territory of the designated test sites.

It is very likely that:

  • 205 nuclear detonations were carried out above ground or airborne;
  • 3 bombs were detonated under water;
  • 6 bomb tests were carried out in the upper atmosphere or in outer space
  • 404 times use was made of an underground device

——————–

Total: 618

Figuratively speaking: the TNT equivalent of the detonated devices is 600 megatons, which is equal to the total power of 30,000 A-bombs of the type that the Americans dropped upon Hiroshima.

Map of Kazakhstan

Map of the Semipalatinsk

The Semipalatinsk Test Site – The Gates of Colossal Death:

The Semey Test Site’s role was to be the location for 221 tests during the years 1949–1962:

  • 30 – above-ground tests, including the first A-bomb on 29 August 1949
  • 88 – airborne, including the first thermonuclear bomb on 12 August 1953 (constructed by Sakharov) and the first H-bomb on 22 November 1955 (analogous to the one constructed by Teller)
  • 6 – devices detonated in the upper atmosphere and outer space
  • 97 – underground detonations in vertical silos and horizontal tunnels

Total: 221

10 October 1963 – in accordance with an international treaty between the U.S.S.R., the U.S.A., and Great Britain there was a cessation of above-ground and atmospheric nuclear tests. Further tests were conducted at the Semipalatinsk Test Site, but now this was done under the ground.

In addition to this, during the years 1963-1987, a further 247 underground tests were carried out, of which, 49% resulted in radioactive fallout as well as the increased contamination of the region.

The total for the Semipalatinsk Test Site: 468

29 August 1991 – President Nursultan Nazarbayev issues a decree closing the Semipalatinsk Test Site permanently.

A closer look at the two firsts in their categories:

  • the first Soviet A-bomb on 29 August 1949;
  • the first Soviet thermonuclear bomb on 12 August 1953

The first Soviet 22 kiloton A-bomb, constructed by a team personally led by Lavrenti Beria, was ready for testing on 29 August 1949. It was detonated at the Semey Test Site at a height of 30 metres from the ground.

In the construction of this bomb, uranium processed at Sillamäe3 might have been used, as well some of the 100 tons of uranium that had been sent at the orders of the head of the United States Manhattan Project, General Leslie Richard Grove, within the framework of the Lend-Lease programme.

According to Lavrenti Beria’s estimate, about 50% of the knowledge needed for constructing this A-bomb was obtained, by means of espionage, from the American Manhattan Project in Los Alamos. For instance, English and American nuclear physicists like Klaus Fuchs (1911-1988), Theodore Hall (born about 1920), and a total of more than 30 individuals (according to some sources, even more than 100individuals) were involved in the passing on of such information to Soviet secret agents. An important role was also played by imprisoned German scientists who were deported to the Soviet Union (near Sukhumi). For instance, Baron Manfred von Ardanne, who was given the
Stalin Award, and who eventually lived, until his death, in East Germany.

The first Soviet 400 kiloton thermonuclear bomb, that was constructed
according to technology based upon the work of Andrei Sakharov, was detonated at the Semipalatinsk Test Site, also at a height of 30 metres from the ground.

This explosion proved to be one of the greatest sources of radioactive pollution in that area, since it contaminated, as well as sucked into the air (as high as the stratosphere), the whole top surface of the desert.

Kazakhstan’s president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, and the president of the
Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, declared the Semipalatinsk Test Site and the surrounding territory to be an ecological catastrophe area (a diameter of over 1200 kilometres). The first legislation concerning this matter:

  • Russian Federation statute 149-03, which has been in effect since 19 August 1995 and
  • The Republic of Kazakhstan’s statutes and the president’s decrees have been in effect since December 1992.

In the Internet, there are frightful pictures of the children of the parents who have radiation poisoning, and of grownups suffering from various forms of
cancer. For ethical reasons, I will not be showing them to you.

II

And how are Estonians connected with all of this?

By, of course, living on Mother Earth and being able to “enjoy” the contaminants that drift this far to the West. Here we are equal with all other people in the Northern Hemisphere.

But, there is an Estonian minority, which is especially closely connected with all of these horrors – it consists of:

  • most of those who were deported in 19494 and
  • most of those who had been in the GULAG on the basis of 585.

One very serious, but, so far, practically unknown part of the Soviet Union’s repressive policy was and is Stalin’s and Beria’s policy of massive eradication of nationalities with the radiation that accompanies atomic and nuclear tests and contaminates the living environment.

I think that this is just the right time to bring together and to unite into one whole various facts that have been known for a long time already, that:

  1. The Stalin-Beria NKVD6 carried out arrests on the basis of 58;
  2. The Stalin-Beria NKVD carried out mass deportations in Estonia,
    Latvia, Lithuania
    , and throughout the whole S.S.R. All together, there were more than 110 genocidal episodes concerning the people of 27-30 nationalities, of whom, more than 6 million people arrived at their destination, and in the course of the operations more than
    1 million people died;
  3. The Stalin-Beria NKVD carried out, from 1948 on, the concentrating of 58 political prisoners from other camps to the STEPLAG, that is, the area immediately to the west of the Semipalatinsk Test Site;
  4. The Stalin-Beria NKVD chose, as the settling area for the majority of the deportees of the years 1944-1949, the regions to the east, south, and north of theSemipalatinsk Test Site;
  5. The Stalin-Beria NKVD controlled the uranium mines and enrichment plants(Sillamäe – Estonia, Zholtye Vody – Ukraine, Ust-Kameno
    gorsk – Kazakhstan, Chelyabinsk – Russia),
    in the vicinity of which were especially large prison camps, including those for politicals;
  6. With the connivance of the Stalin-Beria NKVD, the Soviets, within the framework of the Lend-Lease programme, made a request for more than 100 tons of uraniumfrom the United States, which they were given. This was done at the orders of the head of the Manhattan Project, General Leslie Richard Groves personally, to fulfil the
    request of the Soviets, so as to cover up the objective of the Manhattan Project;
  7. The Stalin-Beria NKVD ran the closed cities, the special camps for politicals and prisoners-of-war, where the Soviet atomic and hydrogen bombs were created;
  8. The Stalin-Beria NKVD possessed the results of the scientific,
    research, and technical work of almost 30 (according to some sources, more than100) S. and British traitorous nuclear scientists, that, in Stalin’s and Beria’s opinion, was 50% responsible for the success of the Soviet atom bomb project. The “father” of the Soviet Atom bomb, Igor Kurtchatov, had his own office in the Kremlin where intelligence materials were brought for him to read. Kurtchatovgave an evaluation to each shipment from the point of view of how it would further the
    Soviet bomb project, and ordered the next “manuscripts” dealing with the matters essential for him.
  9. The Stalin-Beria NKVD ran the special camp in Sukhumi for German prisoners-of-war who were nuclear scientists and technicians. The
    results of their scientific, research, and technical endeavours, especially, for instance, in constructing uranium enrichment centrifuges,
    ensured, to a considerable extent, the successful creation of the Soviet atom bomb.
  10. At the orders of the Stalin-Beria NKVD, the Soviet Ministry of Health’s so-called IV Department (brucellosis) carried out, in the course of the years 1949-1956, in the areas adjoining the Semipalatinsk Test Site, medical studies of the residents, and veterinary studies of the livestock. The results of the studies were classified.

Leaving aside the military aspect of the A and H-bomb, and by examining the above facts as a whole, it can be assumed that Jossif Stalin and Lavrenti
Beria
, together with their NKVD, arranged

  • on an especially large scale
  • especially cheaply
  • especially ingeniously

the liquidation, by radiation, of, for them, superfluous masses of people – women and children, as well as men completely debilitated by forced labour – so that they did not have to spend a kopek on

  • killing
  • burying
  • covering it all up from the rest of the World.

The assignment was completed, yet, in the eyes of the World, their reputation remained sparkling clean.

According to the calculations of academic Andrei Sakharov, in the Northern Hemisphere, about 6 million have perished from radiation poisoning, and many times that number have been crippled.

I am convinced that this aspect of the crimes of the Communist regime of the Soviet Union, that I have brought forth here today, deserves to be punished.

Bibliography:

  1. The official web page of the Semipalatinsk Testing Site:http://www.poligon.kz/
  2. The official web page of the Novaya Zemlja Testing Site:http://www.belushka.narod.ru/history5.htm
  3. Russian Federation statute 149-03, that has been in effect since 19 August 1995
  4. The statutes of the Republic of Kazakhstan, and the president’s
    decrees, that have been in effect since December 1992
  5. Andrei Sakharov “Memoirs. Biological Effects without a Threshold”, the magazine “Znamya” 1990 nr. 12
  6. Paul Herbert Freyer “Albert Schweitzer. Ein Lebensbild”, 1978
  7. M. Edijev “Demografitšeskije poteri deportirovannõh narodov SSSR.”
  8. Vladimir Tšikov, Gari Kern “Ohota za atomnoi bomboi”, 2000.
  9. Vladimir Tšikov, “Russkie nelegalõ v SŠA”, 2003.
  10. Margit Mariann Koppel “The March Deportations of 1949”, the
    magazine “Kultuur ja Elu” nr. 2/3 1999
  11. “WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION” National Geographic,
    November 2002
  12. Various articles that have appeared in the press, on television, on the Internet in the course of the years 1987-2007

The history conference of the Estonian Memento Union titled “Communism to be held accountable by international court”. Indrek Paavle is speaking. The conference is presided over by Peep Varju and Professor Enn Tarvel (right). The conference took place in Tallinn, in the conference hall of the National Library, on 16.06.2007.

The history conference of the Estonian Memento Union titled “Communism to be held accountable by international court”. Indrek Paavle is speaking. The conference is presided over by Peep Varju and Professor Enn Tarvel (right). The conference took place in Tallinn, in the conference hall of the National Library, on 16.06.2007.

RESOLUTION of the
Anticommunist History Conference

Appeal of the participants of the Anticommunist History Conference to the governments and parliaments of their own countries and the European Union, the Hague Tribunal, the United Nations Organization and the US Congress.

A Resolution

calling for the creation of a tribunal of countries around the world, for the purpose of giving an assessment to the crimes commited by communism.

The participants of the Anticommunist History Conference that took place in Tallinn on June 16, 2007 reached the conclusion that without exception, all of the communist totalitarian regimes that ruled in Central and Eastern Europe during the last century were characterized by extensive violations of human rights. Many such regimes remain in power in various parts of the world to this day. The specific nature of the violations differed, depending on the cultures, states and periods involved. They include such phenomena as individual and mass murders, executions, deaths in concentration camps, starvation, deportations, torture, slave labor and other physical manifestations of mass terror, as well as persecution on the basis of national or religious belonging, and also
violations of freedom of conscience, thought, expression and the press, along with the absence of political pluralism.

Justification for these crimes was sought on the basis of the theory of class struggle, and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Interpretations of these two
concepts were used to try to “legitimize” the elimination of such persons who were considered to be harmful in respect to the creation of the new society, and were thereby considered to be enemies of the totalitarian communist regimes. Enormous numbers of victims were citizens of the very states concerned. This pertains in particular to the peoples of the Soviet Union, in which country the number of victims exceeded by far the victims of other countries

The disintegration of the totalitarian communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe has not always been followed by international investigations of the crimes perpetrated by these regimes. What’s more, the perpetrators of these crimes have not been brought before the courts of the international public, which is in contrast to the manner in which the world behaved in respect to the ghastly crimes perpetrated by National Socialism (Naziism).

The participants of the Anticommunist History Conference are convinced that awareness of the events of history is one of the preconditions that must exist if such crimes are to be kept from being repeated in the future. In addition: the taking of a moral stand and the condemnation of such crimes plays an important role in the education of our younger generations. If the international community takes a clear stance in respect to the past, this may well have a bearing on the way in which it behaves in the future.

Those who participated in the Anticommunist History Conference also believe that the surviving victims of the crimes of the totalitarian communist regimes and their families are deserving of support, understanding, and of recognition of the suffering that they had to bear.

Up until now, discussions have taken place internally within some of the member states of the European Council, and resolutions of condemnation have been adopted, but this does not absolve the international community of the responsibility – without delay – to take a standpoint in respect to the crimes against
humanity perpetrated by the totalitarian communist regimes.

We direct attention to the fact that the European Court of Human Rights arrived at decisions on January 17 and 24, 2006 that have the force of law in Europe, which evidenced the massive entry of Soviet Armed Forces onto the territory of Estonia in June, 1940, along with the violent establishment of Soviet government, and – with the exception of the period of intermediary German occupation during the 1941-1944 period – the continuation of the occupation of Estonia by the USSR until 1991. The European Court also determined that the USSR
undertook large and systematic actions against the residents of Estonia that are classified as crimes against humanity, to which statutes of limitations do not apply, and that are punishable under the basis of the Charter of the Nuremberg War Tribunal of 1945, and also on the basis of a number of subsequent UN
decisions and international conventions that expand upon that tribunal. The judgments of the Court determined that the totalitarian communist regime of the USSR carried out extensive and systematic actions against the residents of Estonia.

We also direct attention to the fact that states that deny the occupation of
Estonia during 1940-1991 and/or also deny the applicability of the Nuremberg Charter are also in denial of the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights, and cannot – as a consequence – be members of the organizational structures of Europe.

In view of the aforementioned, the participants of the Anticommunist History Conference address their own states and in particular their governments and parliaments, as well as the European Union, the Hague Tribunal, the United Nations Organization and the US Congress, and ask that they bring into being and organize an International Tribunal for the purpose of taking a stance on the crimes perpetrated by communism during the 20th century, in order to declare communism an inhumane ideology, and to equate the crimes against humanity that were committed during the course of building communism with the ideology of national socialism.

Drawn up on June 16, 2007 in Tallinn

Conference Directors:

Enn Tarvel

Leo Õispuu

Peep Varju

[1] See for example: Rossiiskije istoriki obsudili pribaltiiskije pretnzii k Rossii.

http://www.severinform.ru/index.php?page=newsfull&date=13-02-2007&newsid=37784/23.05.2007/; Rekomendatsii rossiiskih istorikov: „Rossiia i Pribaltika: kompetentnõ na istoritšeskije pretensii limitrofov”.

http://www.regnum.ru/news/821909.html/23.05.2007/; Mihail Demurin: Letom 1940 goda imelo mesto ne okkupatsijaa a fiasko gosudarstvennosti pribaltiiskih stran.

http://www.regnum.ru/news/fdabroad/estonia/interviews/708430.html/23.05.2007/

[2] Venemaa avalikustab II maailmasõja arhiivid. Eesti Päevaleht Online, 14.06.2007

[3] Postanovlenije Sjezda narodnõh deputatov SSSR ob otsenke sovetsko-germanskogo dogovora o nenapadenii 1939 g.

http://www.dialogi.lv/article.php/?id=626&t=0&rub=0/23.05.2007/

[4] George W. Bush: Balti riigid ei jää enam iial üksi.http://estonia.usembassy.gov/mote_est.php

[5] Rossija nikogda ne priznaet okkupatsiju Pribaltiki.

http://www.utro.ru/articles/2005/05/05/435305.shtml/23.05.2007/

The reaction from the Russian side appeared before Bush’s speech in Riga, in response to an appeal by Stephen Hadley, the Presidential Security Adviser 05.05.2005, in which he called on Russia to annul the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (MRP) struck in 1939 with Germany, which led to the occupation of the Baltic States.

[6] Estonija krovavõi sled natsizma. 1941-1944

Sbornik arhivnõh dokumentov o pristuplenijah estonskih kollaboratsionistov v godõ Vtoroi mirovoi voinõ;

Tragedija Litvõ: 1941–1944 godõ;

Sbornik arhivnõh dokumentov o pristuplenijah kollaboratsionistov v godõ Vtoroi mirovoi voinõ;

Latvija pod igom natsizma: sbornik arhivnõh dokumentov.

[7] Rekomendatsii rossiiskih istorikov: “Rossija i Pribaltika: kompetentnõje otvetõ na istoritšeskije pretenzii limitrofov”.http://www.regnum.ru/news/821909.html/23.05.2007/.

[8] Ibid.

[9] See for example: Petrenko Andrei. Pribaltika protiv fašizma. Sovetskije pribaltiiskije divizii v Velikoi Otetšestvennoi voine. “Yevropa”, 2005;

Mihail Krõsi. Pribaltika meždu Gitlerom i Stalinõm. 1939–1945. Веtšе, 2004;

Mihail Krõsi. Pribaltiiski fašizm. Веtšе, 2007;

Aleksandr Dõkov. Mif o genotside: Repressii sovetskih vlastei v Estonii (1940–1953) / Predisl. S. Artemenko. Moskva, 2007.

Selection of articles by A Djukov. See: Putevoditelj.

http://a-dyukov.livejournal.com/212858.html./30.10.2007/;

Prestuplenija natsistov i ih posobnikov v Pribaltike (Estonija) 1941/1944: dokumentõ i svideteljstva. Tallinn, 2006.

Standpoints and commentaries presented on an ongoing basis in the mass media, related to issues having to do with the recent histories of Russia and the Baltic States.

[10]  The Government of the Republic of Estonia gave an order at the end of April 2007 to relocate a memorial dedicated to Soviet Red Army soldiers from the city center of Tallinn. The remains of the interred and the monument in question were relocated to the Tallinn Military Cemetery. Russian members of the population reacted to the government action by rioting, which was incited and supported from outside Estonia’s borders. Estonian-Russian relations underwent an extremely tense period.

1 Riigikohtu Üldkogu kohtuotsus (Supreme Court in banc Decision), 10 April 2005. Riigi Teataja (Official Gazette)  III, 2005, 13, 128. See also: Eesti Vabariigi Põhiseadus (Constitution of the Republic of Estonia), §§ 154 – 160.

2 Uluots, Jüri. Seaduse sünd: Eesti õiguse lugu (The Birth of Law: The Story of Estonian Justice). Tartu, 2004.

3 Schöber, Peter. Kohalik omavalitsus: tänapäevase kohaliku omavalitsuse idee (Local Government: The Concept of Contemporary Local Government). Tallinn, 2003. Forward by Wolfgang Drechsler.

4Vabariigi Presidendi käskkirjad (Decrees of the President of the Republic) nr. 68, 69,78, 91, 92, 109-114. RT (Official Gazzette) 1940, 57, 520-521, 530; RT 1940, 59, 559-560; RT 1940, 63, 606-611.

5 Rahva Hääl (The People’s Voice). Nr 35. 27. VII 1940. p 3.

6 Vallaseaduse täiendamise seadus. Antud Vabariigi Presidendi dekreedina. (Amendment to the Rural Municipality Act. Enacted as a Decree of the President of the Republic.) 31 July 1940. RT (Official Gateete) 1940, 89, 873.

7 Paavle, Indrek. Sovietisation of local governments in 1940-1941. – Estonia 1940-1945: Reports of the Estonian International Commission for the Investigation of Crimes Against Humanity.
Tallinn, 2006. p 244.

8 Siseministeeriumi Kohalike Omavalisuste Talituse salajane ringkiri (The Interior Ministry’s Rural Municipality Local Government Administration’s Secret Directive), 19 August 1940. ERA R 1036-1-29, 214.

9

10 Prangli vallavanem Johannes Sumberg (Johannes Sumberg, the rural municipality mayor of the Island of Prangli). TLA R 282-1-1. 3p.

11 Vallapartorgide nõupidamise stenogramm (Transcript of the rural municipality Party organisers’ meetings). 10 August 1946. ERAF 1-4-374, 240.

12 Paavle, Indrek. Fate of the Estonian Elite in 1940-1941. – Estonia 1940-1945. Op. cit. pp. 397-398.

13 Artur Grossi uurimistoimik (Artur Gross’s case file). ERAF 130-1-10039.

14 At the time of his arrest, Gross was 58 years old. The average age of the rural municipality mayors, who had assumed office at the beginning of 1940, was 45. He had, on and off, held office since 1908. Thus, for a total of 14 years (1908-17, 1918, 1930-34). Generally, the vast majority of the rural municipality mayors holding office had previous experience working in that position, but only a few of them had been rural municipality mayors even before independence.

15 Paavle, Indrek. Fate of the Estonian Elite in 1940-1941. Op. cit. pp. 397-398.

16 Punane terror (Red Terror). Compiled by Mart Laar and Jaan Tross. Stockholm, 1996. p 210.

17 Paavle, Indrek. Valla institutsioon Eestis 1940-1941 (The Administrative Infrastructure of the Estonian County 1940-1941). Master’s thesis. Tartu, 2003. Manuscript in the Tartu University Library. pp. 70-79.

18 Johannes Pärtmaa uurimistoimik (Johannes Pärtmaa’s case file). ERAF 129-1-22980 (1), 4-7, 69-70, 370-375; ERAF 129-1-22980 (II), 1-3, 5-10, 13, 30-31, 127-132, 206-209.

19 EK(b)P Tartumaa Komitee Büroo protokoll (Records of the Estonian CP’s Tartumaa County Committee Bureau). 22 April 1948. ERAF 12-8-10, 162-163.

[11] ERAF, 130-1- 6610

[12] ERAF, 130-1- 7674, p. 9

[13] ERAF, 130-1- 7368, p. 104

[14] ERAF, 130-1- 6877-E, pp. 21, 30, 31 and 159

[15] ERAF, 130-1- 10036-E, pp. 4 and 5

[16] ERAF, a. 3 N/N, u. 207

[17] ERAF, 130- 1-15026, p. 87

[18] ERAF, 1-6- 3999

[19] ERAF, 130-1- 4378, pp. 11, 59, 60, 61

[20] Moscow Archive PЦXИДHИ, 77- 3- 124

[21] ERAF, 130-1-1889, p. 6

[22] RT 60, 6.07.1940

[23] Moscow archive, ΓAPФ, 9479-1- 87, pp. 42 and 43

1 Küüditamine Eestist Venemaale. (The Deportation from Estonia to Russia). Books 4-6. Ed.
L. Õispuu. Tallinn, 1999-2003.

2 The association “Eesti elulood” (Estonian Biographies) has been dealing with the collecting of biographies since 1989. The best of these biographies have appeared in the series “Eesti elulood”, 1-111, 2000-2003. Some of these biographies, including those of the deportees, have been published, and commented upon by appropriate experts, in the book: She Who Remembers, Survives. Interpreting Estonian Women’s Post-Soviet Life Stories. Eds. T. Kirss, E. Kõressaar,
M. Lauristin. Tartu, 2004.

3 Rahi-Tamm, Aigi. Deportations in Estonia, 1941-1951. – Soviet Deportations in Estonia: Impact and Legacy. Articles and Life Histories. Tartu University Press, 2007. Pp. 9-52; Kahar, Andres. Eesti NSV Riikliku Julgeoleku Ministeeriumi tegevus 1949. a. märtsiküüditamise ettevalmistamisel Saaremaa osakonna näitel. (The activities of the Ministry of State Security of the Estonian SSR in setting up the March 1949 Deportations, using the Saaremaa Department as an example) (Adviser – A. Rahi-Tamm). BA dissertation. Tartu University, 2007. Manuscript in the History and Archaeology Institute.

4 The text of this resolution has been published: Lietuvos kovų ir kančių istorija. I. Lietuvos gyventoju tremimai 1941, 1945-52. a. Dokumentų rinkinys. Ed G. Rudis. Vilnius, Mokslų ir enciklopedijų leidykla 1994. Pp. 303-305.

5 Rahi, Aigi. 1949 aasta märtsiküüditamine Tartu linnas ja maakonnas. (The March 1949 deportation in the city of Tartu and in Tartu county). Tartu, 1998.

6 After re-occupying Estonia in 1944, the Soviets continued to carry out their program of distributing the land of farmers, who had more than 30 hectares, to landless agricultural labourers, who were, thus, called “new land recipients” (uusmaasaajad). But these “recipients” were not able to enjoy their new holdings for long, since, in 1949, most farmland was forcibly combined into collective and state farms. Translator

7 The “Omakaitse” (Home Guard) was a voluntary militia organised during the German occupation of Estonia (1941-9144), which the German authorities used as an auxiliary security force. Translator

8 Concerning the assembling of compromising evidence see: Rahi-Tamm, Aigi. Archives at the service of Soviet repressive organs. Compilation of the card index of “politically coloured persons” in Estonia in 1940-1957. – The Communist Security Apparatus in East Central Europe, 1944-1945 to 1989. Warsaw, 2007 (in publish); Politinių atspalvių speckartotekos sudarymas Estijoje 1940-1957 metais. – Genocidas ir rezistencija. 2006, 2 (20). Pp. 110-116.

http://www.genocid.lt/centras/lt/453/a/ [07.07.2007]

9 “Forest Brethren” (metsavennad) is a term applied to the nationalist anti-Soviet guerrillas who operated in the forests of all three Baltic states in the summer of 1941, during the first Soviet occupation, and again after the re-occupation of the Baltic states, by the Soviets, in the late summer of 1944. The activities of these freedom fighters were quite widespread, with a significant part of the rural population providing moral, logistical, and material support. This post-WW II rural armed resistance to the Soviet occupation of the Baltic States lasted until the early 1950’s, when the Soviet security forces finally succeeded in suppressing it. Operation Priboi was one measure that helped to “break the back” of the Baltic rural opposition to Sovietisation. Translator

10 Sabbo, Hilda. Võimatu vaikida. (Impossible to Be Silent). II. Tallinn, 1996. Pp. 845-850.

11 Immediately before the launching of the Operation, on 22 March, the E.S.S.R. Council of Ministers adopted Supplemental Ruling 015, with which, a certain number of kulak families were added to Ruling 014.

12 A few months later, Jermolin also coordinated Deportation Operation “Jug” in the Moldovan S.S.R.

13 The “Destruction Battalions” (Hävituspataljonid), originally formed in 1941, during the first Soviet occupation, were voluntary paramilitary civil defence units that the Soviet authorities organised in rural Estonia, that were used as an auxiliary security force. These lightly armed units were often employed in various counter-insurgency operations aimed at the Forest Brethren and other anti-Soviet elements. Since the Battalions were used to intimidate the local population, they were generally despised throughout rural Estonia. Translator

14 The number of military personnel, in the course of preparing for the Operation, was constantly changing. Of the MS Internal Forces personnel available, on the spot, 900 were stationed in
Estonia, 2,500 in Latvia, 9,500 men in Lithuania. Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi voennyi arhiv (hereinafter RGVA). Russian State Military Archive. C. 38650, i. L, u. 408, pp. 3-9.

15 RGVA. C. 38650, i. L, u. 1336, pp. 426-427.

16 According to the 12 March U.S.S.R. MI Decree, Lieutenant General Petrov was assigned to be the U.S.S.R. MI’s special trustee in Estonia. But, in the E.S.S.R. MI reports, there appears the name of Major General Rogatin, as having been the trustee.

17 Branch of the Estonian National Archives (ERAF). C. 17/1, i 1, u. 139, pp. 161-161p.

18 ERAF. C. 17/1, i.  1, u. 139, p. 292.

19 In Keila, for instance, where a large crowd, consisting of the deportees’ relatives and acquaintances, had gathered, the guarding of the train became complicated. Therefore, a reinforcing
detachment of soldiers was brought from the 392nd Convoy Regiment, so as to increase security. On 27 March, when a record number of people had gathered at the station, 2 deportees tried to escape from the train. They took advantage of a moment when the guards were distracted by having to keep bystanders away from the train. One escapee was caught and was put on the train, while the other one managed to disappear. ERAF. C. 17/1, i. 1, u. 139, p. 281.

20 ERAF. C. 17/1, i. 1, u. 139, p. 152.

21 ERAF. C. 17/1, i. 1, u. 139, pp. 218-219.

22 Anušauskas, Arvydas. Soviet Genocide and its Consequences. – Lithuanian Historical Studies. 1999, 4. P. 325.

23 ERAF. C. 131, i. 1, u. 151, pp. 56-65.

[24] Editor remark. Although the terms “partisan” and “partisan warfare”, in English language literature dealing with World War II, are very often used to refer to armed Communist resistance to Nazi occupation in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, in this particular article, “partisan warfare” refers to Estonian nationalist armed resistance, in the summer of 1941, to the Soviet occupation of the country, which had been imposed a year earlier. This anti-Communist armed resistance was quite widespread, and had the enthusiastic support of the general Estonian population. In various places in Estonia, these nationalist Partisans were able to take over power before the arrival of the German invaders. But the Estonians had to, due to the force of circumstances, eventually relinquish authority to the Germans. Thus, these Estonian freedom fighters were not able to fulfil their hopes of re-establishing Estonian independence.

2 “Forest Brethren” (metsavennad) is term applied to the nationalist anti-Soviet Partisans who operated in rural Estonia in the summer of 1941, and again after the re-occupation of Estonia by the Soviets in the late summer of 1944. The activities of these rural freedom fighters, who used the forests as a hiding place, were quite widespread, with a large part of the rural population providing moral and material support. The post-War rural armed resistance to the Soviet occupation of Estonia, as in the other two Baltic states of Latvia and Lithuania, lasted until the early 1950’s, when the Soviet security forces finally succeeded in suppressing it. Translator

3 “Destruction Battalions” (hävituspataljonid) were voluntary (although there were cases of men being forcibly conscripted), paramilitary units commanded by Soviet security officers. The personnel were recruited from amongst local Communist supporters (and, in some cases, even the criminal element), in the summer of 1941. They were to help ensure security in Estonia, and to carry out Stalin’s scorched earth policy in the path of the advancing German forces. Thus, the Destruction Battalions were used as a counter-insurgency force for combating Estonia’s anti-Soviet Partisans and the Brethren of the Forest, in the course of which, these Battalions terrorized and brutalized the local population in many parts of the country. This lightly armed, as well as poorly trained and disciplined force consisted of about 6,000 men. Translator

4 “Militia” (miilits) is the term that the Soviet authorities applied to their regular police force in
Estonia, which consisted mostly of local Communist volunteers (although some former Estonian police officers had been kept on the force by the Soviets). In the summer of 1941, Militia units also participated in counter-insurgency operations against Estonian anti-Soviet Partisans and the Brethren of the Forest. Translator

5 “EÜS” is the acronym of the Eesti Üliõpilaste Selts (Estonian Students Society), which, being founded in 1870, is the oldest Estonian university students’ organisation. Throughout its existence, the EÜS has not only promoted cultural and academic endeavours, but has also played a leading role in the development of Estonian patriotism and independence. The EÜS colours of blue, black, and white were adopted as the national colours of the Republic of Estonia when it was founded in 1918. During the Soviet occupation, the EÜS was banned, but, along with the other Estonian students’ organisations and fraternities, continued to function in secret. Translator

6 “Vironia”, founded in 1900, was and is one of the biggest Estonian university students’ fraternities, and has always promoted Estonian patriotism. Translator

7 “NKVD” was the acronym for the greatly feared Soviet secret police agency, which was later known as the KGB. Although many positions in the Estonian NKVD were filled by Russians brought in from the USSR, this state security agency also employed, and made extensive use of, Estonian collaborators. The NKVD’s main job, during the Soviet occupation of 1940-1941, was to eliminate all political and armed resistance. Most of the approximately 7,000 Estonians arrested by the NKVD disappeared, although the bodies of some of these NKVD victims, many of them showing signs of having been tortured, were unearthed after the Soviets retreated from Estonia during the summer of 1941. Translator

8 The “Kaitseliit”  (Defence League) was the very popular Estonian voluntary paramilitary civil defence organisation that was banned by the occupying Soviet authorities. The Kaitseliit often formed the basis upon which the Estonian anti-Soviet resistance and Partisan movement was established in the summer of 1941. When the Soviets had disbanded the Kaitseliit in 1940, their security forces made extensive use of many of the organisation’s facilities. Tranlator

9J. Puhk ja Pojad” (Puhk and Sons) was one of Estonia’s biggest, wealthiest, and best-known business concerns, until it was nationalised by the occupying Soviet authorities in 1940. The Puhk family had been very active, both politically and financially, in helping to establish Estonia as an independent nation. The Soviets arrested several members of the Puhk family and deported them to the USSR, where they perished. Translator

10 A popular Estonian patriotic song at that time. Translator

11 In the course of the June 1941 Mass Deportations, the Soviet authorities, to totally terrorize and subdue the whole Estonian nation, rounded up, in a few days, over 10,000 people (in many cases, whole families, since the Soviet sense of justice was based on the principle of “collective responsibility”), loaded them into cattle cars, and deported them to the hinterlands of the USSR. The men were separated from the women and children, and were sent to forced labour camps, where most of them perished. The women and children were, usually, forcibly settled in remote villages. A few of them managed to survive and return to Estonia in the 1950’s. Very similar mass deportations were, simultaneously, also carried out in the other two Baltic states of Latvia and Lithuania.  Translator

12 The “Postimees”, which was published in Tartu, was one of Estonia’s leading newspapers. It was founded in 1857, and, in 1891, became Estonia’s first daily newspaper. Translator

13 On the night of July 8 – 9, Soviet security officers murdered as many as 193 (20 of them women, some whom had first been raped) Estonian political prisoners being held in Tartu Prison. They were killed with shots to the head, in many cases, to the forehead. Most of the bodies were buried in two pits that had been dug on the prison grounds for this purpose. The bodies of 19 (one of them a woman) of these murdered prisoners were dumped in the Prison well. These political prisoners encompassed a wide selection of Estonian citizens: both blue- and white-collar workers, craftsmen, farmers, intellectuals (including the director of Tartu Teachers’ College, as well as an author of popular youth-oriented patriotic novels), clergymen, and students.  Later, it was possible to definitely identify only about 130 of these bodies. Translator

14 The “Omakaitse” (Home Guard) was an anti-Soviet voluntary militia, modelled after the
Kaitseliit
, that was organised in many parts of Estonia as the Soviet occupiers were withdrawing in the summer of 1941. When the invading Germans had established their occupation regime in Estonia, they took over and expanded the Omakaitse, using it as a local auxiliary security force. Translator

15 The constitutional government of the Republic of Estonia went underground when the Soviets took over Estonia in June 1940. When President Konstantin Päts was arrested and deported to the USSR (Päts died in a Soviet psychiatric hospital in 1956) at the end of July 1940, Prime Minister Jüri Uluots assumed, in accordance with the Estonian Constitution, the duties of the president. During the German occupation (1941-1944), Uluots bided his time, hoping that an opportunity would arise for re-establishing the Republic of Estonia. This became possible in September 1944, when the Germans were pulling out of Estonia. But this endeavour would last for only about a week, since the Soviets re-occupied Estonia. Uluots, just like many of his fellow countrymen, managed to escape to Sweden, where he helped to establish an Estonian government-in-exile. The highly respected journalist, attorney, academic, and statesman died at the beginning of
January 1945. Translator

1 “The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression” (Stéphane Courtois, chief editor), originally published in France, in 1997, under the title “Le livre noir du Communisme”, is a collection of articles, by various authors (including Estonian historian, and former prime minister, Mart Laar), documenting the horrendous crimes committed by Communists in various parts of the world. Translator

2 “Peaceful Atom” – a Soviet campaign, which claimed that nuclear power stations, being one of the highest achievements of Soviet science and engineering, were relatively harmless. The infamous Chernobyl nuclear power station, that malfunctioned in 1986, was constructed as part of this campaign. Translator

3 In the late 1940-s, believing that there were significant uranium deposits in Estonia, the Soviets established a major uranium processing plant in the town of Sillamäe, on the north-eastern coast of Estonia, on the shore of the Gulf of Finland. When it was found that the Estonian uranium
deposits were not as promising as had been expected, uranium was brought to Sillamäe from elsewhere in the Soviet Bloc. At the peak of its activities, Sillamäe produced 25% of the Soviet Union’s enriched uranium. The Sillamäe uranium plant was shut down in 1989. Translator

4 In March 1949, the Soviet occupiers deported about 91,000 people, mostly from rural areas, out of the three Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, to the hinterlands of the U.S.S.R. The aim was to break the backbone of Baltic resistance to the Communist regime. Some of these people were imprisoned in forced labour camps, but most were forcibly resettled in remote and isolated locations. Many of these people, of course, perished, but some of them managed to survive, and to, eventually, even make their way back to their homeland.  Translator

5 “§58” is the statute on the basis of which many Estonians were arrested and punished for “anti-Soviet activities”. Many of those arrested were sentenced to 25 years of forced labour in the
Soviet GULAG, to be followed by 5 years of forced resettlement somewhere in the Soviet hinterlands. Translator

6 The “NKVD” was Stalin’s large notorious internal security and foreign intelligence organisation that later became the KGB. Translator

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May 11, 2015Posted by | Uncategorized | Edit

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